A Brief Analysis of Ennui in Dostoevsky’s Notes from Underground

by Namal Fiaz, September 29, 2023

The term ennui, a French loanword, describes a state of boredom induced by a lack of purpose and feelings of dissatisfaction with life. In Fyodor Dostoevsky’s Notes from Underground, the narrative captures the reflections of an embittered, reclusive man whose thoughts are tightly chained by that very state. Several philosophical revolutions were simultaneously developing throughout Europe in the 19th century – namely nihilism, a glaring threat in Dostoevsky’s eyes. Published in 1864, Dostoevsky’s novella was a polemic against the Russian nihilist movement gaining traction in the nineteenth century.  In Notes from Underground, the relationship between the narrator’s ennui and consciousness lead him to live a dreadful existence, one that rises directly from his nihilist mindset.

Nihilism is the supreme catalyst of the underground man’s ennui. In order to effectively analyze the role of ennui in the narrator’s consciousness, it is necessary to establish a brief philosophical definition of nihilism. The term was popularized following Ivan Turgenev’s 1862 novel Fathers and Children, in which it was contextually defined as someone who rejects authority and principles of all faiths. It follows the Latin nihil – “nothing” – implying the nihilist is ultimately “pursuing nothingness.”1 Additionally, this philosophy asserts a lack of an objective meaning to human life. Existential nihilism, a more developed concept, states that existence itself is ultimately pointless given that all action and suffering does not have a meaning.2 Efforts to create meaning are therefore impractical in their futility. 

The unnamed narrator in the novella, the underground man, is an extreme nihilist. He eponymously lives underground alone in St. Petersburg after retiring from his work as a civil service officer, though his isolation is entirely self-imposed. His contempt for other human beings, skepticism of society, spiteful attitude, and eventual retreat to a life of seclusion are key influences of his nihilistic mindset. The character expounds on his beliefs in a series of confessional diary entries. His pessimistic outlook on life is derived from his intense self-awareness and critical nature, which naturally leads to – or rather intensifies – feelings of ennui. The underground man personally attributes his ennui to acute consciousness, claiming that “to be too conscious is an illness – a real thorough-going illness.”3 He explains the difference between men of consciousness – like himself – and the “stupid,”4 or direct men. Those who act on their thoughts and beliefs – direct men – are able to do so because their minds are at ease. In contrast, the underground man’s habit of dwelling on each thought, event, and emotion through deep analysis causes him to have an overactive and restless mind. He believes he is therefore burdened by his superior intellect. 

“There in its nasty, stinking, underground home our insulted, crushed and ridiculed mouse promptly becomes absorbed in cold, malignant and, above all, everlasting spite. For forty years together it will remember its injury down to the smallest, most ignominious details, and every time will add, of itself, details still more ignominious, spitefully teasing and tormenting itself with its own imagination. It will itself be ashamed of its imaginings, but yet it will recall it all, it will go over and over every detail, it will invent unheard of things against itself, pretending that those things might happen, and will forgive nothing.”5

The acutely conscious man ruminates and dissects his thoughts to the extent of dehumanizing himself; he calls himself a mouse.6 Though it is of course a metaphorical statement, the lively imagery created by the underground man’s descriptions provide crucial insight into his self-perceptions: by shrinking such a person to the size of a small rodent – one that is known for its tendency to flee at the shadows of the slightest danger – the narrator characterizes himself as timid, self-conscious, and withdrawn. According to the underground man’s further commentary, the direct man, when seeking revenge, uses justice as a motive to commit the action. Meanwhile, the “mouse” is unable to do the same as his acute consciousness diminishes the emotion by dissecting it. He will overthink and create doubt in his own mind, and then rework it with other details and possibilities, all of which make his mind relentlessly spiral. The conscious man’s tendencies can be equated to thinking oneself to death. The narrator mentally torments himself out of boredom since his mental state renders him incapable of having a meaningful life and intimate human connection. By convincing himself that he is limited in his actions, the narrator remains stationary in the place he rents underground.

This inaction – called inertia7 – is another consequence of possessing an acute consciousness along with ennui. As a result of the narrator’s isolation, his existing ennui greatly reinforces itself through a melancholic, repetitive mechanism. With very little to keep him occupied, he traps himself in a cycle of rumination — an idle dweller in his self-constructed prison cell.The fight against ennui is very much a continuous and lifelong struggle. As exemplified by the character’s situation in Notes from Underground, nihilistic thoughts promote a swift resignation to even attempting to live a fulfilling life. The prevalence of this feeling of ennui, especially in current times, is largely due to the way many naturally begin to find comfort in its presence after a prolonged period of despair. The underground man has lived in his depraved hole for nearly two decades during the time of his writings, and he is thoroughly comfortable in his position; he finds solace in idleness. Breaking through the fog of ennui may bring about bouts of discomfort and anxiety that may discourage many people – avoidance is simply a more bearable response. However, in order to live a meaningful and authentic life, ennui requires direct confrontation. The act of acknowledging that one exists in a state of ennui itself is daunting, it may rouse uneasiness in an individual’s pride, among other things, but it is a necessary step towards a fruitful existence.

There  is also a necessity, perhaps above all else, for conscious effort. Allowing ennui and nihilism to take over the conscious mind is akin to digging one’s own grave – while still alive – convinced that the only thing left to do is lie in it. In the face of absurdity –  “an unfulfillable desire for complete fulfillment,”8 as defined by existentialist philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre – the happenings of daily life can appear bleak and devoid of meaning. An individual must therefore exercise conscious effort and recognize that they have the ability to construct personal meaning in life. Dostoevsky’s allegorical Notes from Underground serves as the first, and arguably the most profound, existential novel. His exploration of the human condition through the cynical underground man character conveys life in the depths of nihilism where free will is used to choose a path of misery. Unlike the underground man, people can use their abilities to take control of their situations, such as the hopelessness that ennui brings, and make decisions that lead to personal contentment. After all, knowing that we possess the power to make conscious decisions towards fulfillment, such as finding pleasure in the mundane, is the tide that washes us of misery.

1 Petrov, Kristian. “‘Strike out, Right and Left!’: A Conceptual-Historical Analysis of 1860s Russian Nihilism and Its Notion of Negation.” Studies in East European Thought 71, no. 2 (2019): 73–74. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11212-019-09319-4.

2 Pratt, Alan. “Nihilism.” Internet encyclopedia of philosophy. Accessed October 15, 2022. https://iep.utm.edu/nihilism/#H3.

3 Kaufmann, Walter Arnold. “Dostoevsky: Notes from Underground.” Essay. In Existentialism from Dostoevsky to Sartre. Edited, Selected, and Introduced by W. Kaufmann, 56. Thames & Hudson

4 Kaufmann, 59.

5 Kaufmann, 60.

6 Kaufmann, 60.

7 Kaufmann, 64.

8 Irvine, Andrew. “Existentialism,” 1998. https://people.bu.edu/wwildman/WeirdWildWeb/courses/wphil/lectures/wphil_theme20.htm

Irvine, Andrew. “Existentialism,” 1998. https://people.bu.edu/wwildman/WeirdWildWeb/courses/wphil/lectures/wphil_theme20.htm

Kaufmann, Walter Arnold. “Dostoevsky: Notes from Underground.” Essay. In Existentialism from Dostoevsky to Sartre. Edited, Selected, and Introduced by W. Kaufmann, 52–82. Thames & Hudson: London; printed in U.S.A., 1957. 

Petrov, Kristian. “‘Strike out, Right and Left!’: A Conceptual-Historical Analysis of 1860s Russian Nihilism and Its Notion of Negation.” Studies in East European Thought 71, no. 2 (2019): 73–97. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11212-019-09319-4. 

Pratt, Alan. “Nihilism.” Internet encyclopedia of philosophy. Accessed October 15, 2022. https://iep.utm.edu/nihilism/#H3.

The Origins of Ancient Rome Reveal Incredibly Sexist Social Structures

by Namal Fiaz, March 29, 2022

The birth of the Roman Republic, which would soon transform into a vast empire with a monumental legacy, has brutal origins all beginning with a rape victim. It’s no secret the Romans were excellent storytellers; the proof is longevity. Roman myths, passed down for generations, outlived their society and continue to echo off the tongues of modern storytellers. 

The story of Lucretia is a mythological and historical tale that has survived since the early origins of Roman history, over two thousand years since its believed origins in 509 BCE. It was narrated and criticized in several different versions of works by prolific Roman writers such as Livy, Ovid, and Dionysius. Gaining popularity immediately after her death, Lucretia became a legendary symbol of beauty, virtue, and chastity. Subsequently, Roman society encouraged women, and especially young girls, to view her as a matron for model behavior. 

As the victim of the story, the glorification of Lucretia’s story after her death reveals deeper insight into the sexist roles women were expected to conform to in ancient Rome.

In Book 1 of Ab Urbe Condita, “From the Founding of the City,” Titus Livius, or Livy, a Roman historian whose works are largely viewed as reliable historical sources, recounts Lucretia’s story. Livy narrates the events leading up to the climax of her rape, as well as the aftermath and her impact on the founding of the republic. The story begins with Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus, Lucretia’s husband, and his companions drinking at the house of Sextus Tarquinius, son of the king Tarquinius Superbus, one night. The men drunkenly argue on the subject of wives, each man praising his own, and Collatinus decides that the mere sight of his wife at such late hours would put an end to the debate altogether. They mount their horses and head to Collatia, a Roman town governed by Collatinus, and into the quarters where Lucretia resides. Upon entering, Lucretia is seen weaving wool by herself by the lamplight with only the company of slave girls, unlike the other wives who had spent their night mingling and drinking with each other. This alone is meant to portray her legacy as a woman of the utmost chastity and virtue. Lucretia wins “the prize of this contest in womanly virtues”1 for her devotion to her husband and home. Sextus, intrigued by her beauty, is “seized by wicked desire”2 to conquer her modesty. 

A few days later, he returns to Collatia again, this time without Collatinus. His motives unsuspected, Sextus is welcomed to dinner in their home and is provided guest chambers for his seemingly innocuous visit. Late into the night, he enters Lucretia’s room while she is asleep. A knife in one hand, Sextus holds her down while clasping onto her breast with the other, and threatens her to comply with his wishes, otherwise he would lay the dead naked body of a male slave next to her corpse and frame her for adulterous acts. Sextus then rapes her. 

Afterwards, Lucretia, frightened and upset, sends a message to her father and Collatinus to return home with trusted companions so that she can recount all of this. All of the men are enraged by Sextus’ actions. They reassure her that “it is the mind that sins, not the body.”3 This part of the story is particularly interesting as it challenges the norms in Roman society by unexpectedly diverting blame onto the perpetrator rather than the victim who was raped. In the end though, Lucretia deeply fears that her virtue has been “ruined” by Sextus and does not wish to be an “impure” example to Roman wives. She admits that although her heart does not hold any guilt, and that she absolves herself of blame from the rape, she still cannot free herself from punishment. Lucretia reveals a knife she hid under her dress and thrusts it into her chest out of shame as Collatinus, her father, and their companion named Junius Brutus bear witness. Just before committing suicide, she urged the men to decide Sextus’ fate. It is evident she herself prefers to die before being seen as a role model to unchaste women. 

Lucretia’s rape was also the impetus of political revolution in Rome. Collatinus and Brutus led the overthrow of Sextus’s father and exiled the Tarquins from Rome. A new form of government was established in 509 BCE, with Collatinus and Brutus serving as the first pair of consuls of the Roman Republic.

Lucretia’s suicide was socially viewed as honorable by Romans, and she was subsequently immortalized as a heroine. Given that her story serves as thematic for proper behavior for women in Rome, it further reveals incredibly sexist ideals present in Roman society. Lucretia’s position as the embodiment of pudicitia, a term used to describe virtuous women, would only grow after she died. Sexual ethics were deeply conceptualized in ancient Rome; there were several intricate terms to describe one’s social as well as physical position regarding male and female sexuality. Pudicitia was a distinctly feminine descriptor of one’s character, predominantly in relation to morality and sexual fidelity. 

It is important to recognize that the male equivalent of this quality did exist in the form of virtus, meaning virtue, although not nearly to the same extent women were judged. Pudicitia was not praised as a positive ideal in men, rather, it was viewed as a neutral trait for males, and could sometimes be simply reduced to whether they acted in the dominant role in sexual relations with other men.4 Much of the explanation as to why a woman’s chastity held so much value in ancient Rome was due to the fact that it ensured they were kept “pure” for men until marriage. Lucretia’s virtue and sexual modesty was promoted as a feminine ideal through “deeply conservative and patriarchal impulse.”5  It is important to address the emphasis on virginity as men were certainly not scrutinized to the same standards. Roman girls were purposefully married young, the legal age twelve, to “ensure an undefiled body and mind.”6 This view alone amplifies the misogynistic logic used by the ancient Romans to control female sexuality and restrict freewill. 

As expected, Roman societal structures continued to subjugate women throughout the longevity of the republic and empire. The specific reasons for this perceived inferiority of women thrived on their generalization as “fragile and fickle, therefore in need of protection.”7 A plausible explanation for these rigid social structures is the historical dichotomy of men as “protectors” and women as “childbearers.” Additionally, it was a widespread belief that women were “emotional, irrational, and intellectually less capable than men”8 to the point where objections to such beliefs were controversial. In a speech written by Livy, capturing the thoughts of Cato says: “Our ancestors decided that women should not handle anything…they should always be in power of fathers, brothers, husbands. If once they get equality, they’ll be on top.”9 In contrast, Musonius, a Stoic philosopher, argued that women possessed reason and logic, were inclined towards good virtue just like men, and that “men should have as high a standard of sexual virtue as women.”10

Marriage was beyond a sufficient reason society deemed it unworthy for girls to continue their education, instead prioritizing domestic tasks and tending to the wishes of their husbands. It is also dire to address the fact that the majority of the available information about the daily lives of Roman women is provided through the lens of men, often incidental in orations or letters or poems.11 It is clear the ancient Romans did not prioritize women’s education nor urge them to contribute to literature or philosophy. The already lacking information about the daily lives of women is focused on upper class women, with scarce information about common women. In the study of classics, a field that has traditionally been dominated by men, studying the lives of ancient women was an academic priority until recent feminist perspectives concerning historical analysis emerged.

It is known that Roman women were established as subservient to men in all aspects of life; their names were technically not even their own. A Roman woman’s name was the feminine form of her father’s gentilicium during the early republic, which was passed down to all of the sisters, and also shared with aunts and cousins on her paternal side.12 Marriage was largely an social and economic proposition for both parties since the Romans rarely married for happiness and romantic love; the latter was usually reserved for extramarital affairs.

 Additionally, women had limited citizenship status, meaning they could not vote or run for public office, and in many cases their properties were under control of their father and eventually husband. Specific terms evolved for circumstances of marriage: cum manu, “with the hand,” and sine manu, “without the hand.” A woman who was married cum manu was no longer under her father’s authority, but under the legal control of her husband.13 This meant that she was under potestas, “power,” of her husband rather than her father. If she was married cum sine, which was common in the late republic, she remained under her father’s control. She needed his approval to make important financial transactions, and “might have her marriage ended by him even against her wish.”14 In a divorce, which women were allowed to bring forth under legally valid conditions, children were no longer left to her, but rather to her husband’s family. 

A woman’s influence was not acknowledged in the public sphere; they were restricted to domestic matters concerned with running the home. Such partially demonstrates why Lucretia was glorified above the other wives from the moment Collatinus and his companions found her tending to her weaving, historically one of the most domestic chores, instead of away socializing with other women. A “virtuous” Roman wife influenced by the precedent of Lucretia behaved modestly, felt great devotion to her husband and tended to his needs, and most importantly valued her chastity, and in this legendary case, above her own life.

The widespread idealization of Lucretia in ancient Rome provides insight into the way Romans viewed the social structures of gender, family life, law, and marriage. Often portrayed as a docile victim, it is clear Lucretia embodies the submissive traits women were expected to display in order to fit the status quo. Although in modern times her story is often regarded as a mere puzzle piece in the larger image of ancient Rome, it continues to raise questions regarding the position of women in a society where they were severely oppressed.


References

  1. “Titus Livius (Livy), the History of Rome, Book 1 Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.d., Ed.” Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 1, chapter 57. Accessed December 8, 2021. http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.02.0151%3Abook%3D1%3Achapter%3D57
  2. Livy, Chapter 57.
  3. Ibid, Chapter 58.
  4. Noreña, Carlos F. “Hadrian’s Chastity.” Phoenix 61, no. 3/4 (2007): 296–317.
  5. Noreña, 301.
  6. Clark, Gillian. “Roman Women.” Greece and Rome 28, no. 2 (October 1981): 193–212. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500033313.
  7. Ibid, 207.
  8. Ibid, 208.
  9. Ibid, 207.
  10. Ibid, 208.
  11. Ibid, 194.
  12. Ibid, 202.
  13. Ibid, 203.
  14. Ibid, 204.